Towards food sovereignty: interrogating peasant voice in the United Nations Committee on World Food Security

The goal of the direct participation of food producer constituencies – and other citizens – is a key component of food sovereignty, the policy framework first launched by La Vía Campesina and engendering the much wider food sovereignty movement. In this paper, I outline the reasons why the reform of the United Nations Committee on World Food Security (CFS) can be regarded as historically significant to this goal. Focusing upon the CFS's aspirations for inclusivity, I outline a framework for interrogating the experiences of social movement activists representing food producer constituencies seeking to convert their formal right to participate in the CFS into substantive participation. Going beyond the capturing of their experiences, the framework also reveals the different ways in which their challenges in attaining substantive participation can be overcome, with a particular emphasis upon adjustments within the arena itself. The paper concludes with an overview of the research agenda suggested by Raj Patel (2009), amongst others, and alluded to further in the content of this paper.     

美国外交关系委员会对美国外交的影响

美国外交关系委员会作为美国历史最悠久、最重要的外交思想库,其政策设想一贯秉持服务于美国政府、美国国家利益的目的,并与政府建立了长期合作关系。本文拟简要梳理美国外交关系委员会的历史流变,考察外交关系委员会影响美国外交的方式,探讨外交关系委员会对美国外交的影响。     

新时期流行歌曲对青少年成长的影响及对策分析

流行歌曲是青少年“亚文化”中最重要的组成部分，对青少年的思想观念和行为方式有着潜移默化的影响。近年来流行音乐流俗化发展的恶性趋势严重影响到青少年的健康成长和个性塑造，因此，引导流行音乐市场健康发展，加强对青少年的学校、家庭教育以实现青少年与流行歌曲的良性互动至关重要。     

A Qualitative Assessment of Stress Perceptions Among Members of a Homicide Unit

Existing research on stress among police assumes the presence of uniform stressors across job roles and borrows upon generic stress instruments to tap stress types and levels. The present study draws upon interviews with 26 members of a metropolitan homicide unit to provide an inductive vantage point on stress perceptions within a specialized area of policing. We provide evidence that the occupational and organizational forms of stress detailed by these officers are shaped largely by the unique nature of homicide work. Among the unique task-related stressors observed include the complexities of homicide crime scenes, time pressures, cases assignment factors, paperwork demands, and long-term ownership over individual case files. A series of structural issues from both within and outside the police agency are identified as organizational stressors unique to homicide work. We conclude with a proposed theory of homicide investigator stress and implications for future research.     

当代青年幸福观的时代诉求及培养

青年幸福观是指青年对什么是幸福、如何才能幸福的根本看法。不同的人生观与价值观使青年具有不同的幸福观。青年作为国家未来的建设者和接班人,是国家重要的人才资源,其幸福观直接关乎社会的进步。根据时代发展对青年幸福观的要求,应从马克思主义幸福观理论出发,在劳动实践中培养青年符合社会价值的幸福观和创造性幸福观,不断促进青年的自我完善和全面发展。     

高职高专大学生价值选择的现状及其教育对策研究

根据价值观现状的调查显示,高职高专的大学生比本科生表现出更强的价值目标现实化、价值取向功利化化、对社会主义核心价值观漠视以及信仰危机的特点,面对这一现状,高职高专的大学生价值观教育,应该从社会、学校、家庭以及大学生个人等方面来寻求有效途径。     

我国人民调解协议司法确认制度的考察

从人民调解协议的效力方面看,我国人民调解协议司法确认制度的源流体现在主要依靠当事人自觉履行的人民调解协议、具有"民事合同"性质的人民调解协议、部分人民调解协议具有"法律约束力"的探索、人民调解协议司法确认制度的立法确立等。我国人民调解协议司法确认制度的现行规定及其适用存在不少问题,需要从增加申请人民调解协议司法确认的主体、理顺关于人民调解协议司法确认管辖法院的规定、确定人民调解协议的司法审查方式、明确人民调解协议司法确认后的法律后果等方面继续完善我国人民调解协议司法确认制度。     

What are we gonna be when we grow up? SYRIZA's institutionalisation and its new “governing party” role

The aim of this paper is to analyse the organizational model of one of the most successful European radical left parties, the Greek Coalition of the Radical Left (SYRIZA). Our goal is to analyse SYRIZA's organizational transition from the electoral arena to the government (2015). Our main finding is that SYRIZA started as a socially-oriented organization led by an oligarchic dominant coalition and converted itself into a political party, characterized by a prevailing role of the party in public office/party government. Both the institutional environment and the party organization's first configuration have had an impact on this change.     

‘Get Brexit Done’: The New Political Divides of England and Wales at the 2019 Election

This article analyses the successful Conservative election campaign of 2019 and how it took advantage of a fractured political and economic landscape. It reviews the unique circumstances around the 2019 election and the ‘surprising death’ of a no-deal Brexit. We then analyse the divergent political communication strategies in the 2017 and 2019 Conservative campaigns showing how the latter was much more coherent and politically unorthodox. Drawing on socioeconomic, demographic and British Election Study data, we argue that Boris Johnson’s messaging was carefully tailored towards the demands of voters in the ‘red wall’ seats. Conservative success was built around an appeal to voters in these economically depressed ‘geographies of discontent’. But while tremendously successful, the coalition this created is potentially fragile. An unconventional, ‘leftish’ Conservative campaign built a new, diverse bloc of voters. It includes a number of left-wingers expecting change alongside traditional Conservative supporters, and will be hard to keep together given the economic turbulence ahead.